来源:武汉文都
更新时间:2019-08-06 16:28:02
Stabbed in the front
被正面攻击 Malcolm Turnbull ousts Tony Abbott at a critical juncture for the economy. Why so many political murders?
澳大利亚现在正处在一个至关重要的经济过渡期,而马尔科姆•特恩布尔(Malcolm Turnbull)却让托尼·阿博特(Tony Abbott)被逼退位。为什么会有如此多的政治谋杀呢?
THAT Australia now has its fourth prime minister, Malcolm Turnbull, in little more than two years should be a worry—especially when you consider the manner in which all his predecessors were turfed out. Tony Abbott came to power in a general election in 2013, ending six years of Labor Party dominance, in part by claiming that his (conservative) Liberal-National coalition was above the kind of fratricide that had seen Labor’s prime minister, Kevin Rudd, ousted by his rival, Julia Gillard, only for him to get his revenge by re-ousting Ms Gillard when opinion polls turned against Labor. Now Mr Turnbull has done to Mr Abbott what Mr Rudd and Ms Gillard did to each other—only with exceptional cold-bloodedness and guile (see article).
当今澳大利亚的第四任总理,马尔科姆•特恩布尔(Malcolm Turnbull),他两年多的任期将会让人感到担忧,尤其是当人们想到在他之前的总理都被驱逐走的“政治定律”。 托尼·阿博特(Tony Abbott)通过2013年的大选上台执政,工党六年的执政生涯结束,这在某种程度上表明他的(保守党)自由国家联盟的结合是一种杀害兄弟的行为,即看着工党首相凯文·拉德(Kevin Rudd),被其对手朱丽叶·吉拉德(Julia Gillard)驱逐,而在民意调查倾向工党时,又将吉拉德( Gillard)驱逐走,以此作为他的报复手段。现在,特恩布尔(Turnbull)对阿博特( Abbott)做了之前拉德(Rudd)和吉拉德(Gillard)对对方所做的事,并且更加冷血和狡诈(详见文章)。
The od news is that Mr Turnbull could prove the most competent leader since John Howard, who served 11 years before his coalition’s defeat in an election in 2007. Had Mr Turnbull led the Liberals into the latest general election (he lost the Liberal Party leadership to Mr Abbott by a single vote), The Economist would have endorsed him rather than Mr Rudd, a bright mind but a lousy operator. Having made his money in law and business, Mr Turnbull has solid pro-market credentials. Unlike Mr Abbott, who downplays the risks of climate change, he sets store by using market mechanisms to bring down carbon emissions (per person, Australians are among the world’s highest emitters). As a social liberal, he is closer to most Australians than was Mr Abbott, who is opposed to gay marriage. And in foreign policy, he will be less “Manichean”, as one expert put it: less inclined to see the world—including China’s rise—only through the prism of security.
好消息是特恩布尔(Turnbull)被认为是在乔恩 霍华德(John Howard)之后最具能力的领导者,后者在他的联盟于2007年的选举失败之前任职了11年。假如特恩布尔(Turnbull)使自由党进入了最后一轮大选(他仅以一票之差落后于艾博特•乔治(Abbott),失去了自由党领导人的位置),《经济学人》将会支持他而不是陆克文(Rudd),这是因为陆克文虽有一颗明亮的内心,但却是一个糟糕的政客。特恩布尔先生是坚定的市场派,他的财产都是通过合法的商业途径获得的。不像阿博特(Abbott)轻视气候变化的风险,他重视运用市场机制来降低碳排放(澳大利亚是世界上人均排放最高的)。对大多数澳大利亚人来说,他作为一个社会自由主义者,比反对同性恋婚姻的阿博特(Abbott)更亲民.在外交政策中,他将不那么激进,正如一个专家提出:平等看待世界——包括中国的崛起——只需从安全的角度考虑。
For the time being the new prime minister is signalling more a change of tone than of policy. He has replaced Mr Abbott’s sneering negativism with more hopeful rhetoric—declaring, for instance, that these are “exciting times” to be Australian. Above all, he says he will provide competence and leadership at a time when, after more than two decades of unbroken growth, Australia’s economy is slowing—crimped, not least, by the slowdown in its largest overseas market, China. Australia needs investment in services and new industries if it is to shift from an over-reliance on exporting iron ore and coal—the hope is that consistent pro-business vernment will help that where Mr Abbott’s repeated U-turns hindered it. But the general election is due in less than a year. Mr does not have long to prove that he can lead an effective vernment.
在成为总理的时间中,他一直在强调基调而非政策的转变。他以充满希望的辩论术——宣称来取代阿博特(Abbott)受人讥笑的消极主义,例如,这些称为澳大利亚人的“激动人心的时刻”。最重要的是,在澳大利亚经历了超过二十年的持续发展期后,经济开始波动下降,尤其是在其最大的海外市场-中国的发展放缓,在这种情况下,他声称他有足够的领导力,并能让民众拥有足以过舒适生活的收入。如果澳大利亚想要从过度依赖出口的钢铁,矿石和煤这方面转型的话,它需要在服务业和新兴产业进行投资。希望在于重商政府将致力于阿博特(Abbott)总理强调的阻碍经济转型的地方。但大选将在不到一年的时间内举办。Turnbull没有时间证明他可以领导一个有效的政府。 Conviction politics
理想政治
A natural question to ask is whether the economy can be fixed without also mending a political system that produces so many revolving-door prime ministers. Three-year parliamentary terms are extremely short and would seem an obvious culprit. Yet they used not to prevent strong leaders from emerging—Mr Howard for one.
自然要问的问题是,如果这种导致总统不断更替的政治制度不得到改变的话,澳大利亚的经济是否会稳定?三年的议会任期极短,似乎是一个明显的原因。但这也会使强有力的领导者出现——霍华德(Howard)总理就是其中之一。
Certainly, subsequent leaders—not least Mr Howard’s protégé, Mr Abbott-have been made of thinner stuff.—But that is only part of the answer. The old class-bound lines, along which Liberal and Labor loyalties once ran, have ne. Both parties are now hunting on the same ground, among an urban, educated swing-voting middle class. When confronted by the findings of the latest opinion polls or focus groups, the parties’ tendency is to panic; the next election is never far away.
当然,后来的领导人,比如霍华德(Howard)总理的门生,阿博特(Abbott),能力则稍显薄弱。但这只是答案的一部分。旧有的等级制度,以及自由与劳动忠诚度法案曾经存在过,现在已然消失。两个政党正在同一地博弈,都在争取城市中,接受过良好教育但却举棋不定的中产阶级的选票。然而当他们面对针对目标人群的民意调查时,他们开始感到恐慌,下次选举很快就要来临。
This is not healthy. Australia should now debate lengthening the parliamentary term. And Mr Turnbull must prove that connecting with the middle ground—which Mr Abbott abandoned—is a better method of verning than jumping at every opinion poll. Australians may even reward him for it.
这是不利于发展的。澳大利亚现在应该讨论延长议会任期。并且特恩布尔(Turnbull)要表明团结中产阶级——为阿博特(Abbott)所忽视——要比终日做各种民意调查更加有效。澳大利亚民众应对此表示感激。
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