400-099-1860

　　A fighting life
　　
　　奋斗的人生
　　
　　Lord Healey, a giant of the Labour Party, died on October 3rd, aged 98
　　
　　丹尼士.希利，作为一名工党的巨头，死于十月三日，享年98岁
　　
　　Oct 10th 2015 | From the print edition
　　
　　2015年10月10日|选自纸质版
　　
　　WHEREVER he went, Denis Healey took photographs. From a Brownie box camera, which ignited the boyhood passion, he soared up to an Olympus, snapping all the way. More than 42,000 photographs and slides eventually filled his house in Sussex. At summits, banquets and college dinners what other guests saw of him was mostly a toothy grin beneath a large flashing lens, and over it those extraordinary eyebrows, God’s gift to cartoonists, twitching up and down.
　　
　　无论去哪，丹尼士.希利总会拍照。早期的布朗尼盒式相机激发了年轻的希利的热情，他甚至痴迷到一种随声携带以便拍摄，仿佛上升到天堂的境界。最后在他苏塞克斯的房子里布满了超过4200余张照片和幻灯作品。峰会上，宴会上，大学聚餐上，还有其他人大多数看到他的时候都是漏齿一笑下闪烁的镜头，除了那就是他富有特色的眉毛，像是上帝给漫画家的礼物，上下跳动着。
　　
　　A photographer places himself at a certain distance from events; so did he. Though caught up for 40 years in the whirl of British politics, and especially Labour’s sempiternal internecine struggles, he attracted no clique or claque around him, and did not try to. He said he went to the Members’ Tea Room in the House of Commons, the Labour Party’s den of plots, only when he actually wanted a cup of tea. Though heartily gregarious, he was politically a loner who beat his own path.
　　
　　摄影师常常会将自己置身事外，希利也不例外。虽然跻身于英国政治40年，面对政治的风云突变，特别是工党的内部纷争时，他从未想过拉帮结派。他说他去党会的茶水室和工会的茶点厅只有一个目的，就是确实需要喝一杯茶了。虽然希利爱好交际，但是他在政治上却是两袖清风，独辟蹊径。
　　
　　He often did so bruisingly. At east London by-elections in the 1960s he twice floored fascist hecklers with his fists. Colleagues were summed up unsparingly. Roy Jenkins had “the sleek pomposity of Mr Podsnap”; to be attacked by Geoffrey Howe was like “being savaged by a dead sheep”; Margaret Thatcher was “Rhoda the Rhino”, and her love for Milton Friedman’s economic policies “sado-monetarism”. Vast reading and a double first in Mods and Greats (classics and philosophy) from Oxford gave him an inexhaustible supply of allegory and metaphor on which to draw.
　　
　　他做事总是很努力，在上世纪60年代东伦敦的选举上，他两次用拳头打倒了法西斯诘问者。同事们对这事总结的毫不留情。有"Podsnap 先生圆滑自负"的詹金斯被杰弗里豪袭击地像一只将死的绵羊。被称作"罗达的犀牛"的玛格丽特撒切尔热爱密尔顿弗里德曼的"货币主义狂"的经济政策。在牛津大量阅读和双第一的MODS和伟人（经典和哲学）给他作的画象征的蕴意无穷。
　　
　　In 1976 he came very close to being prime minister, but was beaten by Jim Callaghan. In 1980 he almost became leader of the Labour Party, only to be bested by Michael Foot. He would not have minded being prime minister; but his dream job was foreign secretary, where he could do most to prevent another war like the one he had coolly fought in. He had credentials: as a student he had cycled through Nazi Germany, and from 1946 he was Labour’s international secretary, helping to rebuild Europe’s battered socialist parties. Yet he was never foreign secretary either. In 1979 he was given the shadow job, sheer frustration. It was, as Coleridge wrote, “unmeaning as moonlight on the dial of the day.”
　　
　　1976年，他差一点成为首相，但被卡拉汉吉姆打败了。1980年，他几乎成为了工党的领袖，仅仅被迈克尔脚打败。他本来就没有想成为首相，他的梦想是外交大臣，在那里就像他曾经冷静的处理其他人一样他可以尽他所能去防止另一场战争的爆发。他有丰富的资历：在学生时期他就已经纳粹德国中穿梭，并且从1946年起就成为了英国工党的国际秘书，帮助重建欧洲遭受重创的社会党。然而他从未担任过外交大臣，1979年他被赋予了一个犹如影子般的工作，多么令人感到挫败。它确实是，正如柯勒铝治所描述的那样，“就像表盘上的月光一样呆板无彩。
　　
　　The two posts he held in government were secretary of defence and chancellor of the exchequer. He loved the first, all globe-trotting and congenial top brass, even though he had to withdraw from east of Suez and chop £400m out of the arms budget. The chancellorship was something else. Knowing nothing of “absurd” economics, he had to sort out a country with soaring inflation, a massive balance-of-payments deficit and no growth; in 1976 the markets began to abandon sterling, which had to be rescued with a loan of £1.9 billion from the IMF. Freedom from its grip (“Sod off Day”, he called it) took a year to achieve, and only at the cost of enraging the unions with curbs on wage rises. Their resentment roiled Labour for a decade.
　　
　　他曾经在政府担任过俩个职务，一个是国防部长，一个是英国财政大臣。相比而言，他更喜欢第一个职务，全部与国际接轨且有容易相处的高层人员，即使他不得不从苏伊土运河的东部撤回和从军队的预支中削减40亿美元英镑。职位则是关于其他的事情。对于荒谬的经济状况一无所知，他不得不解决这个国家的通货膨胀，极大地财政赤字和经济的延缓的问题。在1976年，市场开始摒弃需要国际货币基金用190万英镑填补空缺的做法。花费一年的时间从控制（离开之日，他说）中获得自由，但是唯一的代价是激怒了联合国对于工资上涨的抑制。他们的怒气激荡英国工党长达10年之久。
　　
　　A knight against pomposity
　　
　　一位骑士与自大的较量
　　
　　His relations with the hard left had never been sweet. He detested those “Toytown Trots”, and as early as 1959 had warned the Labour Party not to “teach Socialist Sunday school” but to engage with the problems of the average worker—like the man in his constituency of Leeds South East, who brought him a jar of slugs to demonstrate how damp his kitchen was. (Such episodes easily moved him to tears.) In the shadow cabinet he strenuously opposed nationalisation for the sake of it, or kneejerk opposition to NATO and the Americans. He did not mind milking the rich, gleefully anticipating the “howls of anguish”—but only in order to make their taxes proportionate to those on the poor. In 1981, “by an eyebrow”, he defeated the left-wing Tony Benn for the deputy leadership of the party. He thereby saved it to govern another day—only to live long enough to see it fall again to leftist Sirens in 2015.
　　
　　他与左派的关系从来没有缓和过。他憎恨那些无意义的现有译本，早在1959年，他曾经警告过英国工党不要去教社会主义主日学校，而是去洽谈普通工人的问题。比如利兹的东南部的一个将一罐蛞蝓给他来证明他的厨房很潮湿（这种事件很容易刺激他的泪腺）。在隐蔽的内阁内，他极其的反对社会主义为了这些利益，与此也强烈反对北约和美国。他真的并不介意致富，而且很乐意加入“愤怒的宣泄”，但仅仅是为了给穷人实施合适的税收。在1981年，他打败了左翼的托尼·本 成为委员会的领导人。他从而保留了它并且可以等到另一个时间再管理-只是想能在有生之年看到它再次下降到2015年的左翼塞壬。
　　
　　Immersed in all this, he was also detached from it. Relishing politics, he did not take it too seriously. He happily appeared with TV comedians, plunked on pianos at election time and was made a Knight of the Order Against Pomposity. And he had a hinterland, as he put it. Family—three children and Edna, his staunchly supportive wife—was his first delight. After that came poetry, painting, music and his camera. He slipped away from an IMF meeting in Washington to hear a Ravel opera, played truant from a summit at Rambouillet to catch the scenery, and even nipped off to the Edinburgh Festival as sterling crashed.
　　
　　沉迷这一切，他也脱离了它。从政治中获得乐趣，他并没有太严肃看待它。他高兴地和电视喜剧人一起，在选举时间弹钢琴，制作实至名归的骑士。并且正如他所说，他有一个安栖之地，他的家庭——3个孩子和坚定支持他的妻子埃德娜，是第一个令他高兴的。之后是诗，画，音乐和他的相机。他从华盛顿的国际货币基金组织的会议上溜走，去听一个拉威尔歌剧，从峰会上逃走去朗布依埃捕捉风景，甚至在爱丁堡节阻止英镑的销毁。
　　
　　For him, art of all kinds came closest to explaining the human predicament. He learned more from a novel by Virginia Woolf, or a poem by Yeats, than from any political treatise. As one who wrestled inconclusively with the biggest issues of the day—whether nuclear weapons really deterred, whether the EU and its antecedents were really good for Britain—he loved, too, the way that a painting by Cotman or a sonata by Beethoven could make many disparate elements into one architecture of beauty. If only politics could do the same.
　　
　　对于他来说，各种各样的艺术最能解释人类的困境。他从弗吉尼亚.沃夫的一本小说或从叶芝.耶茨的一首诗里学习的东西比任何政治专著中学的都多。作为一个现在无法决定的重大问题——核武器是否真的要被制止；是否欧盟和它的前身真的有利于英国——他也喜欢一幅科特曼的画或一首贝多芬的奏鸣曲能把不同的元素成就一个建筑美的方式。是否只有政治能做到这一点。
　　
　　He was asked in old age what advice he would give to students of politics. His answer was one word: “Live.” Eat, drink, fight, love, work, travel—and take photographs. For as he ended his autobiography, in Blake’s words, “He who kisses the joy as it flies/ Lives in eternity’s sunrise.”
　　
　　在晚年时他被问到他会给政治学的学生什么建议，他的回答是一个词，"生活"。吃、喝、战斗、爱、工作、旅行和拍照。他用言行完成了他的自传，用布莱克的话说，"他能亲吻那转瞬即逝的欢乐，生活在永恒的照耀中。"

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